COMMENTARY

The Real “Real” America

Sharon Barrios
Department of Political Science

Is it true, as Sarah Palin contended in the weeks leading up to November 4, that the election of Barack Obama constitutes a rejection of the “real” America? If so, what exactly is it that has been rejected?

As conceptualized by Palin and the conservative right, the line between the “real” America and the rest of the country is drawn mostly on the basis of religious, social, and economic values. On their side of the divide are those who oppose full civil rights for gays and lesbians, call for restrictions on abortion, and express suspicions about the validity of science. In the “real” America, the redistribution of society’s resources on behalf of wealthy corporations and individuals goes virtually unquestioned, while redistribution in the other direction causes great consternation. Government is held to be dangerously inept, but the private sector can do little wrong. Regulation of market capitalism in the public interest is to be strictly limited. “Real” Americans are called on, in the name of patriotism, to unquestioningly accept their government’s military adventures, no matter how poorly justified, and to support their president, no matter how secretive, unprincipled, or self-serving he may be, as long as he makes frequent public references to his faith in God and displays a folksy demeanor.

Give me the “unreal” America that Barack Obama represents any day.

Unlike the leaders in the “real” America, Obama is neither exclusionary nor divisive. He welcomes even those with whom he disagrees to debate with him. In his acceptance speech, he recognized the importance of reaching across the aisle, and indeed across the country, by quoting Abraham Lincoln: “We are not enemies, but friends—though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.”

This idea of inclusiveness, I would claim, is the fundamental principle of the real America.

Obama represents a future America that embraces its diversity. On election night he won the vote of Latinos, African Americans, Asian Americans, and Jews, of women, the young, the married, suburbanites, educated Americans, and gay Americans. He also made gains in support from white men, white Protestants, white Catholics, and white evangelical Christians, as well as moderates, conservatives, independents, Republicans, and the working class. It appears that with the exception of rural areas, Obama made gains in practically every segment of society.*

Obama’s commitment to representing all Americans reflects his belief in the power and legitimacy of government. His experience demonstrates a personal commitment to the idea that public service is a higher calling and that good government is the only path to a just society. Unlike those of the current administration, Obama’s views on government are more in keeping with the growing majority of the public who believe that government can be a positive force that should do more to solve social and economic problems, not less.** As Obama said in his speech accepting the Democratic nomination for president, “That’s the promise of America—the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper.”

Contrary to what Palin claims, a real American doesn’t divide the country into the “real” and the “unreal.” America is built on the idea that citizens with deeply different beliefs, values, and ideologies can come together to form a political community in which they treat each other with respect. In his acceptance speech, Obama promised that as president he would “resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that have poisoned our politics for so long.” Instead, he aspires to be a president for all the people and not just for his power base. Like Lincoln, whom he deeply admires, Obama believes in “government of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

* Megan Thee, New York Times, Nov. 6, 2008, p. 8.
** Frank Rich, New York Times, Nov. 9, 2008, p. 9.