![]() |
||||||
| March 13, 2003 Volume 33 Number 12 |
A publication for the faculty, staff, administrators, and friends of California State University, Chico | |||||
|
|
|
A Dragon Grows Up
|
||||
As war clouds gather and faint sounds of thunder trouble the sensitive,
those exposed to the imminent downpour begin to look around for suitable
cover. Such storm signs, now an almost daily preoccupation, also indicate
that political weather forecasters will find attentive audiences just
about anywhere, and such was the case for anthropologist Miguel Moniz,
who spoke on campus Feb. 27. Moniz, a Brown University professor and author
of the upcoming Strangers in a Free Land, is a scholar of race, ethnicity,
and transnational migration issues. His lecture, “Who Belongs Here
and Why: The Politics of Deportation in the Land of the Free,” was
the second in a series of Center for Applied and Professional Ethics forums
concerning the USA Patriot Act.
Moniz sketched the legislative history leading up to this act and contended
that the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act as well as the
Immigrant Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act—both enacted
in 1996 as a result of the Oklahoma City bombings—served as resources
for many of the provisions in the Patriot Act. His conclusions regarding
the intentions of the current administration in Washington certainly weren’t
reassuring in terms of civil liberties, particularly for noncitizens.
“Noncitizens have a very tenuous relationship to constitutional
protection in this country,” he said. “The USA Patriot Act
and recent efforts on the part of the Ashcroft justice department are
a rearticulation of … earlier immigration legislation. An uneasy
nation state is one that craves distinction between citizens and noncitizens
by eliminating rights for the latter group. Within the Patriot Act, the
erosion of rights affects citizens as well.”
The 1996 acts themselves were first broached after the Oklahoma City bombings,
when opinion leaned toward foreign nationalists as the perpetrators. However,
even in light of Timothy McVeigh’s indictment, a wave of distrust
toward things foreign prevailed, and the two acts rode to shore on that
tide. However, representatives from both the Republican and Democratic
parties found favor with the legislation, Moniz pointed out, and President
Clinton, adhering to his popular “tough on crime” policy,
signed the acts into law.
The 1996 acts greatly reduced rights of noncitizens, says Moniz, eliminating
social service benefits and making illegal immigrants subject to immediate
deportation should they receive benefits before their 10 years’
U.S. apprenticeship has passed. Moreover, the traditional power of habeas
corpus, which prevents people from being held without just cause, was
greatly weakened. Illegals suspected of predominantly drug-related felonies
especially were targeted. “If you faced a deportation order from
the INS, you were immediately deported,” said Moniz. “In many
cases, the suspects had been in this country since childhood and really
had no connection to the land they were deported to whatsoever.”
Moreover, offenders originally from China, North Korea, Vietnam, or Cuba
found that their countries refused to readmit them, so they spun out their
days in INS detention centers.
With the passing of the Patriot Act into law, the situation for noncitizens
has worsened, said Moniz, and even citizens are finding their rights overruled.
“Noncitizens can be jailed now without any evidence, simply on suspicion
of wrongdoing as defined by the FBI,” he explained. “They
can be denied immigration to the U.S. by engaging in acts like free speech,
if those acts are considered to be inciting a terrorist action.”
For that matter, “any U.S. citizen can be investigated without just
cause if the FBI says so.” The other measures of what Moniz called
“draconian” measures of this “patriotic” act include
increased ability/license to wiretap surveillance and searches, covert
investigations, and infringements of those protections stipulated in amendments
one, four, five, six, eight, and fourteen of the U.S. Constitution.
“There’s a grotesque irony to the whole thing,” observed
Moniz. “Apparently, the only way to uphold the ‘American way
of life’—which presumably includes adherence to the principles
that define the constitution—is to, well, ignore the constitution.”
Taran March