Wahi Pana:

An Exploration of Visual Culture and the Hawaiian Land

(text only version)

Image 01: Valley on O‘ahu, 19^th century.

Introduction and Purposes of the Site

Many non-Hawaiians are surprised to learn of the importance of land to native Hawaiians. Western mass media often describe Pacific Islanders as "nomadic" or living "lightly on the land." This could not be farther from the truth. Pacific peoples were, in fact, sedentary agriculturalists before Europeans. Irrigated, terraced gardens were being constructed in New Guinea as early as 7000 BCE. Thus, when people began to disperse from Melanesia in the following centuries, they carried with them the ideas and technologies of agriculture, as well as a reverence for the land and its potential.

It is in this context that we may begin to appreciate many aspects of the history of visual culture of Hawai‘i over the last few centuries. Prior to contact in 1778 with haole (Europeans, foreigners), Hawaiians developed a stratified society, in which the landholding nobility used an array of mostly portable visual symbols to express their status. The nobles, chiefs, and especially the king, who emerged in the 1790s, also patronized the construction of temples, many of which were associated with the maintenance of earthly fertility. Even after the arrival of haole, the nobility managed to remain in power, due largely to its control of large plots of land. However, under pressure from the haole, Hawaiian lands were privatized in 1848, and increasingly, lands fell into haole hands. Even after this division, much land was still controlled by the crown, and monarchs continued to rule, using many of the ancient symbols of nobility. They also proclaimed the antiquity and legitimacy of their dominion by building on politically significant sites. Nevertheless, even substantial wealth could not protect the monarchy from the schemes of annexation plotted by haole. In 1893, the Hawaiian monarchy was forcibly overthrown, and a few years later, in 1898, the USA annexed Hawai‘i.

Since the overthrow in 1893, native Hawaiians have been largely marginalized, especially with regard to their native lands. Many live in poverty, and others are homeless. However, because of a global atmosphere favoring de-colonization, many Hawaiians are now calling for the restoration of their lands and sovereignty. Today, Hawaiians march for sovereignty and enact rituals at what are termed wahi pana, "celebrated places." Through such performances, they hope to reclaim the land and the past and revitalize ties with the ancestors.

Image 02: Map of O‘ahu.

This website is designed with two purposes in mind. First, it provides a basic introduction to the history and visual culture of Hawai‘i. Second, it examines the way in which sites and spaces are invested with meaning through the visual arts. We will look at how three different sites have been modified and reinterpreted. The first site, Keaiiwa heiau, is a precontact period temple on O‘ahu. The second is the ‘Iolani Palace, also on O‘ahu, a nineteenth-century palace built by native rulers. The third site encompasses all of Polynesia, which is being revisited and unified through a revival in indigenous canoe voyaging.

Image 03: Map of Hawaiian archipelago.

Site 1: Keaiiwa heiau, O’ahu

The Hawaiian islands consist of a chain of eight major and many minor islands that formed in the middle of the Pacific Ocean, distant from large land masses. The islands of the group feature a dramatic landscape of eroded volcanic peaks interspersed with valleys of rich soil. Winds and ocean currents bring abundant rainfall and mild even climate, which supports diverse flora and fauna. Western scientists hypothesize that the origin of the islands is due to the passing of the earth’s crust over a "hot spot" in the mantle underneath. The southeasternmost of the islands, or Hawai‘i (the "Big Island"), still exhibits regular volcanic activity. Native Hawaiians, in contrast, attribute the origins of their lands to the union of two important sibling deities, Papa, or Mother Earth, and Waakea, or Father Sky. The islands are their progeny, and thus living, sacred beings.

Image 04: Map of the Pacific Islands.

The initial colonization of the Hawaiian Islands took place as part of a remarkable epoch of exploration of the Pacific that began about 1500 BCE. At this time, Austronesian peoples from Melanesia began to sail eastward, island hopping to Fiji, Tonga and Samoa. In time, these peoples, who may be called ancestral Polynesians, continued eastward to the Cooks, Societies, and Marquesas Islands. These eastern groups of islands are the base from which voyages of discovery were launched to the three peripheral points of Polynesia: Aotearoa (New Zealand), Rapa Nui (Easter Island), and Hawai‘i. We know that some voyagers reached the coast of South America, because the sweet potato, which is a South American cultigen, is found in eastern Polynesia at least as early as 1200 CE. The first group of Polynesians to reach Hawai‘i probably hailed from the Marquesas Islands to the Southeast, arriving between 300 BCE and 100 CE. Other voyagers from Tahiti arrived by 1000-1350 CE. The cultural development that made these amazing voyages possible was a complex of technology and knowledge associated with the ocean-going canoe. These ships were formidable catamaran-like vessels, with a cabin built on a platform that extended between twin wooden hulls. Efficient triangular sails provided propulsion. Ancient Polynesians brought with them on these colonizing voyages plants such as breadfruit and coconut, animals such as chickens and pigs, and most importantly oral traditions and technological knowledge that allowed them to forge successful societies in new lands. Although by the eighteenth century, Hawaiians no longer made long-distance voyages, huge double-hulled canoes were still used for transporting war parties.

Image 05: Hawaiian nobleman, early 19^th century.

In the fertile valleys and rich fisheries of Hawai‘i, early Hawaiians found places to practice the agricultural and maritime skills they brought with them. They terraced and irrigated the land, planted sugarcane and taro (from which poi is made), built fishponds, and maintained populations of wild game and plants. By the eighteenth century, the population grew to between 300,000 and 1 million persons. As a result of competition over resources, a stratified social system developed. The system was based on strict class identification, determined by birth. The most exalted class was the ali‘i, or noble class. Below the ali‘i was the maka‘aainana, or commoners, and below this were the outcast slaves, or kuawa. The ali‘i class was dominated by a supreme chief who ruled an entire island. The power of a chief was determined both by genealogy and by personal ability to rule. Nobility traced their decent back to the gods, from whom they received their spiritual power or mana. Mana was concentrated in men whose bloodlines were the most pure; therefore the son of a brother-sister marriage was considered the most fit to rule.

Personal ability to rule rested both on a chief’s personal charisma, and on his sacred character which allowed him to declare what was kapu (taboo). In Hawaiian thought, the establishment of kapu was sanctioned by the gods, and of great importance. Especially significant was the ‘aikapu, or "eating taboo," which restrained women from eating "masculine" foods (coconut, banana, pork, and certain red fish) and required separation of men and women during meals. Violations of kapu were tantamount to blasphemy and resulted in elaborate rites of purification or even execution. The high chief also achieved power through his right to administer lands and fishing areas. This was of crucial importance in the Hawaiian Islands, where land is scarce. In order that lands provided all necessary resources, including access to the ocean, the islands were divided in pie-shaped wedges that reached from the mountains to the sea. The borders of these districts, or ahupua‘a, were marked by altars, and were overseen by lesser chiefs. The chief required a regular tribute of produce, labor, and goods from the ahupua‘a under his control. In return, the chief (through advisers) oversaw their development, defended them, and redistributed food in times of disaster.

Image 06: Plan of Keiwa Heiau (after McAllister 1933:fig. 32).

As a sacred person, the chief was responsible for invoking and communicating with the major deities. This "state religion" was focused on temples, or heiau, which were often commissioned by rulers. The main function of the heiau was to create a sacred setting or home for large wooden images of the deities, called ki‘i. Like many other cultures, the wooden images were thought of as receptacles for divine essences (mana) during ritual invocation. During these ceremonies, the kaahuna (priests) presented offerings to the gods, in hopes of receiving divine guidance, protection, and sustenance. In some heiau, kaahuna sacrificed men. Such sacrifices were sanctioned by Hawaiian cosmology, and were designed to offer spiritual power or mana to the god. Thus, the preferred victim was a captive of high status, preferably ali‘i. In other heiau, animal, food, or flower offerings were given.

Image 07: Ki‘i representing Kuu, from Luakini heiau, Kona, Hawai‘i, ‘ohi‘a wood, late 18^th century (Bishop Museum)

Four major gods, to whom many heiau were dedicated, were venerated by all Hawaiians:

There were a number of deities worshipped exclusively by chiefs, and others specific to various occupations, such as fishermen, thieves, and bird catchers. The people looked to the kaahuna who administered the heiau for a variety of specialized services, such as weather prediction, guidance for planting and harvesting, and healing.

Image 08: Diagram of a heiau (after Cox and Davenport 1974:fig. 1).

Keaiiwa Heiau is a good example of a relatively small heiau, presumably built under the direction of a chief. It is located above Pearl Harbor, on the island of O‘ahu. Like many other heiau, it was designed as a ceremonial precinct, open to the sky and bounded by a rectangular wall. The volcanic stone used to build the structure was obtained locally, and was not cut or dressed, but rather fitted by trial and error and without mortar. The perimeter walls of Keaiiwa Heiau measure about 100 by 160 feet. If it was like other heiau, the stone walls probably supported a wooden fence. Various grass-covered huts would have been constructed within. The main one would have been a hale mana, or house of spiritual power, conceived as a home for the resident god. Heiau also often included a drum house, where ritual instruments were kept, and an oven house, used to prepare sacrifices.

Image 09: Hale O Lono Heiau, O‘ahu. The oracle towers of this partially reconstructed heiau are seen on the left.

Wickerwork towers were sometimes built, for the purpose of receiving divine oracular messages. Often a small banana altar (or lele) for holding offerings was placed near the towers. Finally, the god images usually guarded the entrances and protected the altar. From what remains of Keaiiwa Heiau, we can be sure of very little of its structure and ceremonial use. The various stone rings and altars now seen within the original enclosure were constructed after mid-1951, when the heiau was "rediscovered." Only the perimeter wall and parts of one dividing wall are original, as shown in the plan.

Image 10: Hawaiians presenting gifts to Captain Cook.

Before the arrival of the English in the late eighteenth century, Hawai‘i was divided into independent chiefdoms. Nevertheless, certain chiefs had envisioned the unification of the archipelago long before this time, at least as early as 1450-75. And indeed, frequent marriages between the chiefdoms of the islands had virtually unified the ali‘i in a single family. By the late eighteenth century, several chiefs had begun to conduct wars of conquest, assimilating the territory of their neighbors. It was in this situation that an opportunistic leader from Hawai‘i Island named Kamehameha grew up. Also arriving on the scene in 1778 was the English explorer Captain Cook, who stumbled upon the islands while searching for the elusive Northwest Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific. Although the Hawaiians killed Cook soon after this encounter, his crew left behind an important legacy, including technology of guns and ships, and diseases to which the Hawaiians had little immunity. Through clever alliances with Europeans and supported by guns, Kamehameha engaged rival chiefs in bloody conflict. In fact, two of the first non-Polynesians to settle in Hawai‘i, English sailors Young and Davis, were enlisted by Kamehameha as military advisers in 1790. By 1796, all islands except Kaua‘i and Ni‘ihau were united under Kamehameha. In 1810 Kaua‘i finally submitted through peaceful negotiation. Despite its tumultuous birth, the kingdom founded by Kamehameha endured until it was overthrown in 1893.

Image 11: Missionary preaching at Kailua.

Kamehameha ruled the new united kingdom in a traditional fashion until his death in 1819. Sacrifices were still conducted, and heiau remained in good repair. However, a strict adherence to traditions did nothing to stem the waves of virulent diseases that repeatedly swept through the population. In fact, to one of Kamehameha’s surviving wives, Ka‘ahumanu, it seemed to be a likely cause. After all, Europeans and Americans visiting and living in Hawai‘i violated kapu with no ill effect. Her response was to initiate a cultural revolution, toppling the old gods and breaking kapu. Her final triumph came when she convinced Kamehameha’s son and heir Liholiho (Kamehameha II) to break the ‘ai kapu, by eating with women. This act signaled the end of the old order, leaving Hawai‘i open to exploitation by foreign powers, especially those of Calvinist missionaries from New England, who arrived in 1820. Capitalizing on the spiritual vacuum and terror of disease, the missionaries undertook a rapid conversion of the populace, casting Ka‘ahumanu as a "Christian Queen." Royal children were indoctrinated in mission school. The descendants of the first missionaries quickly rose in power to become an oligarchic enclave, controlling the political and economic life of Hawai‘i through its native monarchs for generations.

Image 12: Photograph of Keaiiwa Heiau.

A major effect of the cultural revolution and subsequent conversion to Christianity, was the abandonment of heiau, and a shifting of focus to the new Christian churches. Major god images that were not destroyed by iconoclasts in 1819 or later sold to European and American collectors, quickly succumbed to termites and fungus. Without chiefly support, the hales, altars, and other structures decomposed, and stone walls were dislodged by tree roots. Keaiiwa Heiau suffered the additional misfortune of being located on good agricultural land; hence, it has been further mutilated by extensive plowing. Still later, around World War II, American soldiers plundered the heiau for construction materials. Thus, through active and passive destruction, the heiau was "lost" and forgotten.

Image 13: Photograph of Keaiiwa Heiau. This stone ring is not part of the original plan of the heiau, but was built in the late 20^th century.

The restoration of Keaiiwa Heiau following World War II and its revitalization as a sacred site are part of a recent wave of interest in Hawaiian culture. Although people were aware of the site, there was little speculation concerning its function. Around the turn of the century, native Hawaiian informants told researchers that the site was erected during the time of chief Kakuhihewa (c. 1600 CE), and was overseen by a kahuna named Keaiiwa. However, in mid-1951, a local committee reinterpreted the word "Keaiiwa" to imply that the temple had been an indigenous "medical center" dedicated to healing and a training of ancient Hawaiian healers. As a result, several civic groups, including those open to persons with connections to the ancient ali‘i, organized a rededication ceremony for the heiau to take place on November 15, 1951. The dedication ceremony included processions of costumed participants, chanting and singing, plant offerings, purifications with sea water, and speeches. In addition, the master of ceremonies recognized representatives of a medical convention simultaneously occurring in Honolulu.

These elaborate rites served specific purposes. Most importantly, the ceremonies symbolically reclaimed the heiau for the participants, affirming their ties to the ancestral past and to the land. In addition, the presence of medical doctors suggested links between modern medicine and ancient Hawaiian healing practices, which were said by one speaker to have been "on the threshold of the scientific investigation of disease" (Larsen 1951:9). Despite the tenuous support for the identification of the heiau as a shrine of curing, the 1951 ceremony served to fix this image in the literature, as did the establishment of a medicinal herb garden adjacent to the site shortly after the rededication. Numerous newspapers repeated the story, and it remains standard in current guidebooks.

Image 14: Modern altar built at ancient temple, Pu‘uomahuka Heiau, O‘ahu.

Keaiiwa Heiau is a good example of how Hawaiians have reclaimed ancient sites, partly for the purpose of establishing connections with the soil, but also as a means of celebrating the accomplishments of their ancient ancestors. This sentiment is not an invention of the last few decades. As much as a century ago, Queen Lili‘uokalani decried the desecration of a heiau she visited, writing, ". . . I regret to say there must have been those in the vicinity who had no respect for sacred antiquities, for a number of these stones, so laboriously erected, have been torn down, and from them a goat-pen has been built" (Lili‘uokalani 1990:40). As rapid urbanization of the islands has proceeded, however, Hawaiians have become increasingly alarmed at the destruction of archaeological sites, which often end up buried under golf courses, highways, and hotels. Speaking out for the protection of these celebrated and sacred sites, native Hawaiians have pointed to their beliefs that heiaus served as the earthly focus the mana of the gods and ancestral spirits. Because Hawaiians look to ancient sites for guidance in life, the material and spiritual balance of the universe is lost when sites are destroyed. Further, the land and its features are conceived as living beings, worthy of respect. Today, the visitor to any of the heiaus located in public parks will witness offerings of food or ti leaves left for the spirits. At larger heiaus, complete functioning altars are sometimes built and used. Yet many sites remain threatened. The withdrawal in 1996 of the U.S. military from the island of Kaho‘olawe, which had for years been used for target practice, has given Hawaiians new hope that their lands and sacred sites will receive respect from haole.

Site 2: ‘Iolani Palace, Honolulu, O’ahu

Image 15: Honolulu harbor.

When Europeans arrived in Hawai‘i in the late eighteenth century, they documented and collected a number of elements of visual culture that were closely associated with high status. Most of these elements quickly fell into disuse during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. Some of the most important insignia of high status and kingship in ancient Hawai‘i were the ‘ahu ‘ula (feather cloaks), mahiole (feathered helmets), kaahili (feather whisks or standards), lei niho palaoa (whale tooth necklaces), and puulo‘ulo‘u (kapu staffs).

Image 16: ‘ahu ‘ula belonging to Kamehameha I (the Kiwala‘oo cloak; late 18^th century).

One of the most important elite symbols in precontact Hawai‘i was the ‘ahu ‘ula, or feather cloak, made exclusively by men. These cloaks consist of a netting foundation finger woven of olonaa plant fiber, with feathers fastened on the outside. To make these cloaks, thousands of red, yellow, black, or green feathers were plucked from wild birds that were trapped and then usually released. Although many cloaks were decorated with flat fields of a solid color, many others bore designs in bold checkerboard, bands, rhomboids, or most commonly, crescents. Often, the designs were rendered in yellow on a red field. The cloak was worn over the shoulders, and drawstrings allow it to be tied at the neck. Nobles wore the capes on ceremonial occasions or in battle.

The ‘ahu ‘ula communicated noble status in several ways. Because red was the royal color of Hawai‘i, in the same sense that purple was the color of Byzantine emperors, the use of the term "red" in naming these cloaks implied a close association with the noble class. In addition, the red and especially the scarce yellow feathers used to make the cloaks were the most valuable commodity in ancient Hawai‘i, analogous to the gold and precious stones accumulated by European royalty. In fact, in Hawaiian, a prosperous man was called he manu hulu, "a feathered bird." The feathers used to make the ‘ahu ‘ula were included in annual tribute payments collected by the high chief. As a way of rewarding loyalty, the chief could then bestow the feathers as gifts to subordinate lords. When a nobleman wore an ‘ahu ‘ula, then, it indicated his close political ties to the sacred person of the chief. A larger cloak made of more valuable feathers indicated a relatively high rank. In addition, ‘ahu ‘ula could be captured as trophies in war.

Perhaps the most remarkable ‘ahu ‘ula belonged to King Kamehameha. It was made entirely from rare yellow mamo bird feathers, with a few red feathers attached to the neck. It is estimated that more than 80,000 birds were required to supply the feathers for this cloak. This quantity of feathers could only have been accumulated by the conqueror of the Hawaiian Islands from the tribute payments of many subordinates.

Image 17: Nobleman wearing mahiole and ‘ahu ‘ula (early 19^th century).

Like feathered capes, helmets were important insignia of noblemen, and were often worn together with the capes. They were constructed with a basketry frame of finger woven fibers obtained from the aerial rootlets of the ‘ie‘ie plant. Feathers were not directly applied to the ‘ie’ie frame, but were tied to an olonaa fiber net or braid, which was then sewn to the basketry frame.

A crescent-shaped feather-covered crest that extended from front to back distinguished the helmets of kings and high chiefs. Lesser nobles and warriors often wore helmets with mushroom shaped crests.

Image 18: Hawaiian woman wearing a lei niho palaoa (early 19^th century).

This valued necklace of men and women was carved from a single piece of bone, tooth, or ivory strung on a wreath of braided human hair. The name of this object refers to the tooth (niho) of sperm whales (palaoa) which occasionally beached on Hawaiian shores and were claimed exclusively by high chiefs. The teeth (or other similar material) are carved in a specific crescent shape, which is also used in traditional sculpture to represent the mouth and tongue. The symbolism of this shape is unclear in the ancient context. Like the ‘ahu ‘ula and mahiole, the lei niho palaoa was worn during battle and ceremonial displays.

Image 19: Woman with lei hulu.

In the early nineteenth century, Hawaiian female nobles also wore rings of feathers around the neck or on the head. Men gathered the feathers, but both men and women made the lei by attaching the feathers to a cord of olonaa fiber. Lei made of yellow ‘oo‘oo feathers were the most valuable.

Image 20: Queen Ka’ahumanu with a kaahili (early 19^th century).

The kaahili is a feather tipped fly whisk used to fan nobles. Part of its power as a royal symbol derived from the fact that it touched the kapu person of the chief. In so doing, it absorbed the mana of the ali‘i.

Image 21: Puulo’ulo’u placed before a chief’s house. Lithograph by Louis Choris.

To declare the kapu of sacred chiefs, attendants carried before them short poles to which balls of white or black bark cloth were usually affixed. Their appearance obligated all people within view to remove their cloaks and prostrate themselves. Planted in the ground near heiaus, at the corners of chiefs’ residences, and other prohibited places, the staffs warned people not to trespass.

Along with Christianity and modern technology, the Hawaiian rulers of the nineteenth century rapidly embraced many European symbols of kingship, such as crowns, sashes with medals, scepters, and rich clothing of a western cut. For instance, as early as 1819, Kamehameha’s son Liholiho was crowned king Kamehameha II wearing a European-style suit as well as the mahiole (helmet) and an ‘ahu ‘ula (feathered cape). While some of the ancient symbols of kingship were quickly abandoned, such as the mahiole, others were adapted to fit new ceremonial requirements. In the nineteenth century, the ancient lei niho palaoa remained a treasured heirloom of royalty. However, as new materials became available, such as walrus tusks, bone necklaces came to be owned by many elite Hawaiians. Although traditional forms were followed, there were some changes, such as increased size of the pendant, and use of ribbon or strings of beads instead of hair for suspension. Kaahili and ‘ahu ‘ula seem to have been in continuous use from the time of Kamehameha until the deposition of the Hawaiian monarchy in 1893.

Image 22: Coronation Pavilion, ‘Iolani Palace grounds, Honolulu (built 1883).

King Kalaakaua, elected in 1874, was particularly noted for his incorporation of traditional attributes of royalty into what had become essentially European courtly ceremony. His coronation provides an excellent example of this. The event occurred on February 12, 1883, on the ninth anniversary of the king’s inauguration. Most of the clothing and insignia, including two jeweled gold crowns, a scepter, ring, and sword, had been custom made in France and England. A large pavilion, in the shape of a crown, was erected in front of the new palace. A covered ampitheater for the audience enclosed the coronation pavilion on three sides. As Kalaakaua crowned himself and his wife, Queen Kapi‘olani, the Royal Hawaiian Band played Meyerbeer’s "Coronation March."

Image 23: Kaahili named ‘Ele‘eleualani (Black Rain of Heaven), belonging to Princess Bernice Pauahi Bishop, made of ‘oo‘oo bird feathers on an ash staff.

Despite these European trappings, Hawaiian regalia were prominent. Feather capes, including the ‘ahu ‘ula of Kamehameha, were borne by notables, and lei niho palaoa were presented. In the nineteenth century, kaahili were extremely important regalia, often constructed by elderly women for specific ceremonies and receiving proper names. Kalaakaua’s sister the Princess (later Queen) Lili‘uokalani recalled, "[W]e were all attended by our kaahili bearers, and those ancient staffs of royalty were held aloft at our sides" (Lili‘uokalani 1990:102). When not in use, the feathers were removed from the kaahili and preserved in boxes or bundles.

Image 24: King Kalaakaua’s crown and scepter.

Even though Kalaakaua’s crown had been made in London, it bore native motifs of heart-shaped taro leaves bordering the rim. Kalaakaua’s promotion of ancient Hawaiian insignia seems to reflect his general program of cultural revitalization for native Hawaiians, whose population reached an all-time low during his reign, due primarily to continuing epidemics.

Throughout his reign, Kalaakaua maintained an interest in revitalization of Hawaiian visual culture. For example, although they were constantly used in ceremony as backdrops, table covers, and garments, the manufacture of feather capes using traditional techniques had become nearly extinct by 1850. In 1886, Kalaakaua attempted to revitalize this tradition, through a semi-secret society called hale naua. One of the functions of this group was to make ‘ahu ‘ula, using dyed duck and chicken feathers sewn onto a fabric ground.

Image 25: Royal tomb in Nu‘uanu valley with puulo‘ulo‘u (kapu staffs).

Image 26: Coat of arms of the Kingdom of Hawai‘i, from gate of the grounds of ‘Iolani Palace, Honolulu. Note puulo‘ulo‘u, represented as balls on staffs.

Another symbol revived under Kalaakaua was the puulo‘ulo‘u or kapu staff, which seemed doomed when kapus were broken in 1819. Although no longer used, it did appear as an emblem on the Hawaiian coat of arms, first adopted in 1845. However, during Kalaakaua’s reign, the use of the actual kapu staff was revived, this time a gilt wooden ball mounted on a narwhal horn. The puulo‘ulo‘u was installed in a stand in the throne room. Because the kapus had been broken, the puulo‘ulo‘u gained new meaning as a symbol of the royal presence, similar to the kaahili. Thus, at the royal cemetery in Honolulu, puulo‘ulo‘u are set up around the tombs of the royalty and are worked into the design of the surrounding fence, as symbols and protectors of royalty.

Image 27: ‘Iolani Palace, Honolulu.

Like the kaahili, ‘ahu ‘ula, and puulo‘ulo‘u, the ‘Iolani Palace was an attempt by Kalaakaua to affirm the sovereignty of Hawai‘i and the power of its king. Located in the center of Honolulu, the Hawaiian capital, the palace’s site was charged with meaning through association with several pre-existing structures. In fact, the present ‘Iolani Palace, built between 1879 and 1882, replaced an earlier royal palace by the same name constructed in 1844. The first palace, taken over and named Hale Ali‘i ("House of the Chief") by Kamehameha III in 1845, was a small wood and coral block structure similar in design to a missionary house. The palace later received the name ‘Iolani ("Royal Hawk;" ‘io = ‘hawk’, lani = ‘royal’ or ‘celestial’).

Image 28: Pohukaina mound, ‘Iolani Palace grounds, Honolulu.

Adjacent to the first palace was the royal crypt called the Pohukaina mausoleum, built in 1825 to house the remains of the Kamehameha dynasty (except for its founder, whose bones were interred in a secret place on Hawai‘i Island). Eventually, Pohukaina became overcrowded, and Kamehameha IV ordered a new larger crypt built in a secluded place in Nu‘uanu valley, above Honolulu. After its completion and with great ceremony, a solemn procession translated the remains of eighteen chiefs from Pohukaina to Nu‘uanu in 1865. The Pohukaina mausoleum was demolished, but in honor of the ancestors still resting at the site, a fenced mound was left in place.

Another structure believed to have been located on the palace grounds was a large ancient heiau called Kaahaimauli. This was one of the most significant structures, since it identified the grounds as a religious site with deep connections to antiquity.

Image 29: Kawaiaha‘o Church, Honolulu.

Other important older structures were visually related to the ‘Iolani Palace, even though located outside the actual grounds. These include the Ali‘iolane Hale, built between 1872-1874 as the primary government office building. It simultaneously served as a museum, housing the relics of the Kamehamemas. Located almost directly in front of the main entrance to the palace grounds, this building’s site suggests the political ties between monarch and government officials. Another extremely symbolic building, located near the palace grounds was Kawaiaha’o Church. Dedicated in 1842, it was the official church of the Hawaiian monarchy and a symbol of the political alliance between the kings and the Congregationalist (Protestant) missionaries. On the church grounds was also located the mausoleum of the popular King Lunalilo (ruled 1873-4). This also added to the mana of the site.

Image 30: ‘Iolani Palace, Honolulu.

Termites made quick work of the first ‘Iolani Palace, prompting Kalaakaua to plan for its replacement. By this time, the palace grounds had been greatly enlarged through purchases by the government, largely from King Lunalilo. Funds were secured, and construction proceeded from 1879 to 1882. The design of the building originated with Thomas Rowe of Sydney, Australia, but was modified by three other architects from California. Local contractors and laborers built the palace, but most of the materials, such as the glass, dumbwaiters, roof slate, flooring, and cast iron columns were imported, mostly from the United States. The centerpiece of the palace is a colossal freestanding native koa (mahogany) staircase. Decorations included an array of imported American and European items, including many paintings, furniture, and dishes given to the Hawaiian kings by other royalty. Although not overly large, the palace was extremely luxurious for its time. For example, the palace was electrified in 1887, before the White House in Washington, D.C. Telephones were installed in 1880, only four years after their invention by Alexander Graham Bell. The palace strongly reflected the king’s interests in modernization, which he felt to be essential to the development of his nation.

Image 31: ‘Iolani Palace, Honolulu.

It is interesting to consider the Victorian style chosen by Kalaakaua for the ‘Iolani Palace. Indeed, some visitors criticize the style as being too haole, and that Kalaakaua in some way "sold out" in choosing a Western style of architecture and decoration. Further, how can we reconcile Victorian taste with the king’s interest in ancient Hawaiian regalia? Perhaps we should consider the King’s political position, specifically his need to maintain sovereignty. In this light, we may view the Palace as an attempt to speak the "language of kingship"--to use style as a means of stating his position as a brother monarch to the other kings of the world. In addition, since 1844, the kings of Hawai‘i had officially adopted the protocols of European monarchy established by the Convention of Vienna of 1815. Thus, Kalaakaua probably did not view the manipulation of these cultural forms as particularly haole, but consistent with patterns established by his royal predecessors.

Image 32: Sanford B. Dole, first President of the "Republic of Hawaii," presiding over annexation of Hawai‘i, in front of the ‘Iolani Palace, August 12, 1898.

The royal family only used the palace for about a decade. By 1893, a political faction led largely by the descendants of missionaries became increasingly dissatisfied with the monarchy and its insistence on rights for native Hawaiians. Queen Lili‘uokalani, who succeeded her brother Kalaakaua in 1891, attempted to respond to the people’s demand for a new constitution, but was repeatedly foiled by the "missionary gang." Finally, under the pretext of a fictitious uprising, the gang called for the landing of U.S. troops in Honolulu in 1893. Lili‘uokalani was forced to abdicate under protest. Obsessed with the imperialist policy of "manifest destiny," the U.S. government was deaf to the pleas of Lili‘uokalani for justice and restoration of sovereignty.

While the businessmen waited for the process of annexation by the United States to proceed, a "Republic of Hawaii" was established, headquartered in the ‘Iolani Palace. Its name was changed to the sterile "Executive Building," and its fixtures, including possessions of the royal family, were sold at auction. As a further indignity, Lili‘uokalani was imprisoned for nine months in an upstairs room of her former home in 1895. The custom-made carpets of the palace were ripped into pieces and sold, and the spacious rooms divided into offices. Layers of institutional green paint symbolically obliterated the last traces of the monarchy.

On August 12, 1898, the United States formally annexed Hawai‘i. At ‘Iolani Palace, the Hawaiian flag was lowered and the United States flag was raised, signaling the end of independence. A contemporary writer noted that, "throughout the day’s exercises the Hawaiians were comparatively sparsely represented, except as silent and distant spectators–and who could blame them?" (Thrum 1898:79)

Image 33: Throne room, ‘Iolani Palace, Honolulu, after restoration.

The ‘Iolani Palace remained the seat of government after the Republic of Hawaii became a U.S. territory in 1898 and then a state in 1959. Finally, in 1969, when the new State Capitol building was completed, the sad old building was vacated. Fortunately, a committee, the Friends of the ‘Iolani Palace, had formed a few years before, with the aim of restoring the Palace to its former glory. The founding president of this organization was Lili‘uokalani Kawananakoa Morris, the goddaughter of Queen Lili‘uokalani and a relative of King Kalaakaua. In 1970, plans were developed and funding secured from the state. The restored palace was rededicated in 1979, one hundred years to the day from the original dedication. In addition to restoration, a key aim of the Friends of the ‘Iolani Palace is recovery of the objects that were associated with the palace during its royal occupation. Some objects have been purchased, while others were returned from safekeeping. Among the most important repatriated objects are the crowns, scepters, and thrones, which now dominate the restored throne room. Although the jewels are guarded in neat cases, the thrones sit aloof in their original faded red coverings. Being imbued with the mana of the ali‘i, the material of these seats has itself become sacred.

Image 34: Torchlit procession to the ‘Iolani Palace, Honolulu, 1993 (after ‘Onipa‘a Centennial Committee 1994:132).

A century after the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy, Hawaiians took the opportunity to commemorate the event between January 14-17, 1993. The commemoration was designed both to inform people about the events of 1893, and to draw attention to the problem of Hawaiian self-determination. As the symbolic heart of the monarchy, the ‘Iolani Palace was the focus of many of the activities that took place. On January 14, 1993, the palace was draped in black bunting, as it had during the funeral of King Kalaakaua, and representatives of Hawaiian organizations entered to palace to give spiritual ho‘okupu or offerings as signs of respect. These took the form of bundled gifts, flowers, chanted laments and songs. On the following day, actors performed the history of the overthrow of Queen Lili‘uokalani. Conducted in the context of historic and sacred buildings, these performances bridged the gap between history and reality as the audience became increasingly engaged. For instance, as a royal procession was enacted, many audience members removed their hats. In addition, speeches of annexationists caused so much agitation, that the audience had to be repeatedly reminded that the performers were just actors.

Image 35: Ahu on the grounds of the ‘Iolani Palace, Honoulu.

On January 16, while the living history drama unfolded, Hawaiians erected a stone ahu or shrine on the ‘Iolani Palace grounds. The shrine was intended as a sign of Hawaiian unity and as a symbolic act healing the rift between the ali‘i and the people. After its completion, spiritual offerings were placed upon it. In both its form and function, the ahu seems to evoke the ancient heiau that is believed to have existed on the Palace grounds, stressing the ancient and sacred quality of the site and connecting Hawaiians with their past.

On the following day, the observance culminated with a massive march on the Palace. In an overwhelming display of support for Hawaiian sovereignty, over 16,000 people, joined by convoys of truckers and bikers, converged on the site. Here, they heard a representative of the United Church of Christ, the organization descended from the Congregationalists, deliver an apology to the Hawaiian people for "our denomination’s historical complicity in the illegal overthrow of the Hawaiian Monarchy in 1893" (‘Onipa‘a Centennial Committee 1994:108).

The final event of the commemoration was a speech delivered by the actress representing Queen Lili‘uokalani: "Hold fast to that pride and love you have for your heritage and your country. Yes, your country. For your nation–‘Onipa‘a. Hold fast!" (‘Onipa‘a Centennial Committee 1994:136). On this note, she turned and entered the darkened ‘Iolani Palace. In the darkness, a single light was seen shining from the room of the Palace that had served as the Queen’s prison in 1895. Finally, a procession of one hundred torchbearers–each representing one year in which the light of hope burned in the hearts of Hawaiians–entered the grounds. One of the bearers described her feelings during this ceremony: "This is just me honoring the monarchy in a very small way. Maybe one day peace will come" (‘Onipa‘a Centennial Committee 1994:137).

In conclusion, during the centennial observances in 1993, the ‘Iolani Palace was invested with new symbolism through performance. From a Hawaiian perspective, contact with the Palace brought people in touch with the mana of the ali‘i. In turn, the mana was restored through the offering of ho‘okupu, and a new altar on the grounds reconciled the ali‘i and maka‘aainana. Thus, instead of being merely a symbol of royalty as it had before, the ‘Iolani Palace was renewed as a symbol of the entire Hawaiian nation.

Site 3: New Voyages in the Pacific

Today, for many Pacific Islanders, identity is expressed both in relation to the island of origin, but also with reference to relationships with other islanders. Many Polynesians are highly conscious of their ethnic and cultural unity. In response to continuing marginalization and isolation from the world stage as well as the exploitation of Pacific Islands, many Polynesians have begun to reclaim the Pacific as a region, through a revival of traditional twin-hulled canoeing. Through the cooperation of Polynesians with sailors from elsewhere, replicas of the great twin-hulled canoes used by the first Polynesian explorers centuries ago are being constructed and tested on long distance voyages in the Pacific. In part, such journeys are scientific experiments, designed to test indigenous technology and traditional navigation systems. However, the canoes are also visual signs expressing the revitalization of Polynesian culture, and the symbolic control of the Polynesian lands and waters.

Image 36: Double-hulled canoe, Hawai‘i-Loa.

Ancient Hawaiian canoes, and their modern replicas, are beautiful and efficient. While small outrigger type canoes are seaworthy, the large twin-hulled canoe is better adapted to use in the open sea. Men hewed the hulls from huge logs, sometimes 100 feet in length. Sometimes large cedar logs that drifted onto Hawaiian beaches from the Pacific Northwest of America were utilized. In pre-contact times, there were no metal tools, so men used sharpened stone adzes to hollow the logs. Lashings of coconut fiber (sennit) bound the various parts of the canoe together. A shed or deckhouse was constructed on the deck between the two hulls. Women wove sails from pandanus leaves.

For ancient Hawaiians, canoe building was accompanied by ceremony, including the singing of prayers and chants. These were directed to the deity Tane, who presided over forests and arts. If pleased with the work, Tane would bless the ship. When finished, the canoe was decked in flowers and tested in the water. Large double canoes could have transported sixty or more people, and it is likely that in the ancient migrations, a number of canoes sailed together, laden with people, food, water, and plant and animal stocks.

An important aspect of voyaging has been the revival of traditional methods of navigation. These methods include alignment of the rising and setting sun with directional markers on the canoe railings, star rising and setting points at night, feeling ocean swells, and clues such as the appearance of land birds. For years, Hawaiians had been taught that the colonization of the Pacific islands had been done by accident, rather than intentional exploration. The direction of canoes by an indigenous navigational system has been crucial in affirming Polynesian agency in their history.

Image 37: Hookuule‘a, after a painting by Herb Kaane.

A major accomplishment in the revitalization of long-distance canoeing was the voyage of a replica double-hull vessel named Hookuule‘a (the star Arcturus) from Hawai‘i to Tahiti, in French Polynesia, in 1976. The vessel was designed by a Hawaiian, Herb Kaane, based largely on drawings of canoes made by early European visitors to Hawai‘i. Because of the loss of many natural resources and ancient technologies, the canoe was constructed using modern materials and techniques. However, the ancient design was followed to the extent that lashings and not metal fasteners were used in construction. When finished, the double-masted craft measured just over 62 feet in length, and had a cruising speed of about 6-7 knots. In practice, the canoe made almost 100 miles a day.

In both Hawai‘i and Tahiti, the voyage sparked great pride in Polynesian history. In Tahiti, a crowd of over fifteen thousand people gathered around Pape‘ete harbor to welcome the boat. In an address to the crew, a Tahitian orator expressed the significance of the voyage: "This is a magnificent day for us because of the research you have undertaken at sea, research into the way of life of our Polynesian ancestors from distant antiquity. We celebrate your voyage to our island in your canoe, a voyage that has made today a great occasion for recalling the past of our homeland. This is our homeland–Ra‘iatea, which long ago was called Havai‘i. It is from here that your ancestors left to sail over the great ocean. They settled on the islands they discovered, and now you have returned. The people of Polynesia have been overjoyed to hear of your voyage. You are our brothers" (Finney 1994:74). The impact of this event was so strong for Tahitians that an image of a double canoe was emblazoned on the flag of French Polynesia a few years later, in recognition of the sea-faring origin of the nation.

Although the 1976 voyage had been a success and a source of pride to Hawaiians, who made up most of the crew, the navigator for the voyage was a Micronesian named Mau Pialug. By 1980, however, a Hawaiian, Nainoa Thompson, had mastered navigation techniques without instruments and took up the challenge of guiding Hookuule‘a on another round-trip voyage between Hawai‘i and Tahiti. This trip proved to be a source of great pride to Hawaiians and inspired a series of major journeys. One, called the "Voyage of Rediscovery," sailed round-trip from Hawai‘i to Aotearoa (New Zealand) between 1985 and 1987. This voyage caused the Maori great joy, as it re-traced routes by which their ancestors came to Aotearoa from Central Polynesia. Another important accomplishment in this renaissance of canoeing has been the construction of an exact replica of an ancient canoe, using traditional materials, named Hawai‘i-Loa. Among the historic voyages made by this canoe was a 1993 "Voyage of Colonization," which retraced the route to the Marquesas Islands, the home of the most ancient ancestors of Hawaiians.

Clearly, the revival of canoe voyaging using traditional technologies provides important information about ancient Polynesian history. But it also has profound meanings for the present. And while it seems to have a strong maritime focus, we should also consider that the explicit political purpose of the voyages is to unite the Polynesian peoples through connecting their lands. The latest stage in this remarkable story of cultural revival was the voyage of Hookuule‘a from Hawai‘i to Rapa Nui in 1999. This trip served to unite the three corners of the Polynesian triangle through indigenous technology and by indigenous agency. As these voyages retrace the routes of migration of Polynesian peoples through the Pacific, they symbolically reclaim this vast territory.

Timeline

c. 1500 BCE Austronesians begin to colonize Polynesia

c. 300 BCE -100 CE First Polynesians arrive in Hawaiian Islands, probably from the Marquesas Islands

c. 1000-1350 Second group of Polynesians arrives, probably from Tahiti

c. 1600 Keaiiwa Heiau constructed

1778 First contact with Europeans at Kaua‘i

1790 First European settlement in Hawaiian Islands

1796 All islands except Kaua‘i and Ni‘ihau united under Kamehameha I

1810 Kaua‘i submits to Kamehameha I

1819-24 Reign of Kamehameha II

1820 American missionaries arrive

1825-54 Reign of Kamehameha III

1848 "Great Mahele" (division of lands)

1855-63 Reign of Kamehameha IV

1863-72 Reign of Kamehameha V

1873-74 Reign of Lunalilo (first elected monarch)

1874 Election of Kalaakaua

1879-1882 Construction of ‘Iolani Palace

1883 Coronation of Kalakaua on grounds of ‘Iolani Palace

1891 Lili‘uokalani becomes ruler of Hawai‘i

1893 Monarchy overthrown by Provisional Government

1894 Republic of Hawai‘i replaces Provisional Government

1898 Hawai‘i annexed by USA as a territory

1951 Rededication of Keaiiwa heiau

1959 Hawai‘i becomes 50^th state of the USA

1969-78 Restoration of ‘Iolani Palace

1976 Hookuule‘a sails from Hawai‘i to Tahiti

1993 Centennial commemoration of the overthrow of the monarchy; President Clinton formally apologizes to Hawaiian people

1999 Hookuule‘a sails from Hawai‘i to Rapa Nui

Links

Polynesian Voyaging Society:

http://leahi.kcc.hawaii.edu/org/pvs/

Voyages of Hawai‘i-Loa:

http://bernice.bishop.hawaii.org/bishop/exhibits/hawaiilo/hawintro.html

‘Iolani Palace:

http://alaike.lcc.hawaii.edu/openstudio/iolani/

References

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Barthels, Jim

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Buck, Peter H.

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Cox, J. Halley, and William H. Davenport

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Cummins, Tom

1984 "Kinshape: The Design of the Hawaiian Feather Cloak," Art History 7(1):1-20.

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Feher, Joseph

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Finney, Ben

1994 Voyage of Rediscovery: A Cultural Odyssey through Polynesia. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Friends of the ‘Iolani Palace

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1993 ‘Iolani Palace. Honolulu: Friends of ‘Iolani Palace.

Hackler, Rhoda E. A.

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Holt, John Dominis

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James, Van

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Kame’eleihiwa, Lilikalaa

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Kapena, John M.

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Larsen, Nils P.

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Liliuokalani

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Moore, George, Geoffrey W. Fairfax, E. Blaine Cliver, Barbara Furstenberg, Leonard McCann, Glenn Miyashiro, John Shklov, Philip R. Ward, and Clyde Wong

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Mrantz, Maxine

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‘Onipa‘a Centennial Committee

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Peek, Jeannette Murray

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Peterson, Charles E.

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Pukui, Mary Kawena, and Samuel H. Elbert

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Rose, Roger G.

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Glossary

ahu	altar
ahupua‘a	wedge-shaped portion of land stretching from mountains to the ocean
‘ahu ‘ula	lit. "red garment," a feathered cape or cloak
‘aikapu	eating restrictions
akua	deity
ali‘i	chief or chieftess, noble
hale	house, structure
haole	foreigner
heiau	temple
ho‘okupu	offering; to cause to grow; to give freely, to make a present
hulu	feather
‘ie‘ie	a woody climbing plant, Freycinetia arborea
kaahili	fly whisk, feather standard
kahuna	priest (pl. kaahuna)
kapu	sacred, ritually dangerous, taboo
ki‘i	wood image of a god
koa	mahogany, Acacia koa
kuawa	slave class
lei	necklace
lei niho palaoa	sperm whale-tooth necklace
lele	sacrificial altar; a tall banana planted near altars
mahiole	helmet
maka‘aainana	common people
mana	spiritual force, divine power, authority
olonaa	a shrub, Touchardia latifolia, the bark of which was used to make fiber
‘oo‘oo	black honey eater, Moho nobilis
puulo‘ulo‘u	kapu staff
wahi pana	celebrated place, a location sacred or famous to Hawaiians